PSAT PSAT-Reading : Preliminary Scholastic Aptitude Test - Reading

PSAT-Reading Prüfung wurde nie als einfach wahrgenommen, derer Vorbereitungsverfahren ziemlich kompliziert und zeitaufwändig ist. Was problematisch ist auch, dass die Einschreibgebühr normalerweise sehr hoch ist. Wobei würde jeder vielleicht Angst haben, dass man nur geringen Erfolg erziehen kann, auch wenn man schon große Mühe gegeben hat. Mit zehnjähriger Erfahrungen zählt unsere Firma nun zu dem Bahnbrecher in der IT-Zertifikationsprüfung. Zurzeit haben wir eine Gruppe von spezialisierten IT-Ingenieuren und Pädagogen, die sich für Zusammenstellen der Studienmaterialien der PSAT-Reading Prüfung einsetzen. Unsere über mehrere jährige Erfahrungen verfügenden Experten haben den ganzen Prüfungsablauf erforscht und analysiert. Sie können die Fragen von PSATPSAT-Reading Prüfung genau vorhersagen, die bei der nächsten Prüfung erscheinen werden. Zusammenfassend kann man sagen, dass Sie mit Hilfe von unserer speziellen Unterstützung viel Energie und Geld sparen würden, wenn Sie PSAT-Reading Prüfung bestehen möchten.

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PSAT Preliminary Scholastic Aptitude Test - Reading PSAT-Reading Prüfungsfragen mit Lösungen:

1. Richard III was without any doubt whatsoever the most evil man to have worn the crown of England.
Attached to his name are so many crimes, and crimes so heinous and unnatural, that it is scarcely
credible that such a monster could exist. He not only committed murder on a number of occasions, but
many of those he murdered he had either sworn to protect or should have been expected to defend with
his last ounce of strength if he had anything approaching human feelings. First on the list of crimes was
the death of his sovereign, Henry VI. Granted that Henry had been deposed by Richard's brother, and
hence could not easily claim Richard's loyalty The word heinous in line 4 means

A) deceitful
B) dishonest
C) bloody
D) awful
E) secretive

2. Oliver Goldsmith (17301774) wrote criticism, plays, novels, biographies, travelogues, and nearly every
other conceivable kind of composition. This good-humored essay is from a series published in the Public
Ledger and then in book form as The Citizen of the World (1762).
Were we to estimate the learning of the English by the number of books that are every day published
among them, perhaps no country, not even China itself, could equal them in this particular. I have
reckoned not less than twenty-three new books published in one day, which, upon computation, makes
eight thousand three hundred and ninety-five in one year. Most of these are not confined to one single
science, but embrace the whole circle. History, politics, poetry, mathematics, metaphysics, and the
philosophy of nature, are all comprised in a manual no larger than that in which our children are taught the
letters. If then, we suppose the learned of England to read but an eighth part of the works which daily
come from the press and surely non can pretend to learning upon less easy terms), at this rate every
scholar will read a thousand books in one year. From such a calculation, you may conjecture what an
amazing fund of literature a man must be possessed of, who thus reads three new books every day, not
one of which but contains all the good things that ever were said or written.
And yet I know not how it happens, but the English are not, in reality so learned as would seem from this
calculation. We meet but few who know all arts and sciences to perfection; whether it is that the generality
are incapable of such extensive knowledge, or that the authors of those books are not adequate
instructors. In China, the Emperor himself takes cognizance of all the doctors in the kingdom who profess
authorship. In England, every man may be an author, that can write; for they have by law a liberty, not
only of saying what they please, but of being also as dull as they please.
Yesterday, as I testified to my surprise, to the man in black, where writers could be found in sufficient
number to throw off the books I saw daily crowding from the press. I at first imagined that their learned
seminaries might take this method of instructing the world. But, to obviate this objection, my companion
assured me that the doctors of colleges never wrote, and that some of them had actually forgot their
reading. "But if you desire," continued he, "to see a collection of authors, I fancy I can introduce you to a
club, which assembles every Saturday at seven . . . ." I accepted his invitation; we walked together, and
entered the house some time before the usual hour for the company assembling. My friend took this
opportunity of letting me into the characters of the principal members of the club . . .
"The first person," said he, "of our society is Doctor Nonentity, a metaphysician. Most people think him a
profound scholar, but, as he seldom speaks, I cannot be positive in that particular; he generally spreads
himself before the fire, sucks his pipe, talks little, drinks much, and is reckoned very good company. I'm
told he writes indexes to perfection: he makes essays on the origin of evil, philosophical inquiries upon
any subject, and draws up an answer to any book upon 24 hours' warning . . . ."
Why does Goldsmith calculate the number of books published in England?

A) To impress his readers with English erudition
B) To show that most English publications are foreign
C) To make the point that anyone can be an author
D) As a comparison with publication quotas in other lands
E) As defense for his argument that England is better than China

3. The following two passages deal with the political movements working for the woman's vote in America.
Passage 1
The first organized assertion of woman's rights in the United States was made at the Seneca Falls
convention in 1848. The convention, though, had little immediate impact because of the national issues
that would soon embroil the country. The contentious debates involving slavery and state's rights that
preceded the Civil War soon took center stage in national debates.
Thus woman's rights issues would have to wait until the war and its antecedent problems had been
addressed before they would be addressed. In 1869, two organizations were formed that would play
important roles in securing the woman's right to vote. The first was the American Woman's Suffrage
Association (AWSA). Leaving federal and constitutional issues aside, the AWSA focused their attention
on state-level politics. They also restricted their ambitions to securing the woman's vote and downplayed
discussion of women's full equality. Taking a different track, the National Woman's Suffrage Association
(NWSA), led by Elizabeth Stanton and Susan B. Anthony, believed that the only way to assure the
long-term security of the woman's vote was to ground it in the constitution. The NWSA challenged the
exclusion of woman from the Fifteenth Amendment, the amendment that extended the vote to
African-American men. Furthermore, the NWSA linked the fight for suffrage with other inequalities faced
by woman, such as marriage laws, which greatly disadvantaged women.
By the late 1880s the differences that separated the two organizations had receded in importance as the
women's movement had become a substantial and broad-based political force in the country. In 1890, the
two organizations joined forces under the title of the National American Woman's Suffrage Association
(NAWSA). The NAWSA would go on to play a vital role in the further fight to achieve the woman's vote.
Passage 2
In 1920, when Tennessee became the thirty-eighth state to approve the constitutional amendment
securing the woman's right to vote, woman's suffrage became enshrined in the constitution. But woman's
suffrage did not happen in one fell swoop. The success of the woman's suffrage movement was the story
of a number of partial victories that led to the explicit endorsement of the woman's right to vote in the
constitution.
As early as the 1870s and 1880s, women had begun to win the right to vote in local affairs such as
municipal elections, school board elections, or prohibition measures. These "partial suffrages"
demonstrated that women could in fact responsibly and reasonably participate in a representative
democracy (at least as voters). Once such successes were achieved and maintained over a period of
time, restricting the full voting rights of woman became more and more suspect. If women were helping
decide who was on the local school board, why should they not also have a voice in deciding who was
president of the country? Such questions became more difficult for non-suffragists to answer, and thus the
logic of restricting the woman's vote began to crumble
Which of the following questions is NOT addressed in either passage?

A) When did the woman's right to vote become a constitutional amendment?
B) What effect did the Civil War have on the woman's suffrage movement?
C) What are "partial suffrages?"
D) Which constitutional amendment gave women the vote?
E) What are the names of two leaders of the National Woman's Suffrage Association?

4. George Washington served as president of the Constitutional Convention in 1787, and was then elected
President of the United States in 1789. This is from his first address to Congress. Such being the
impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it
would be peculiarly improper to omit, in this first official act, my fervent supplications to the Almighty Being,
who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids can
supply every human defect, that his benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the
people of the United States a government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may
enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the functions allotted to
his charge. In tendering this homage to the great Author of every public and private good, I assure myself
that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own; nor those of my fellow-citizens at large, less than
either. No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the invisible hand, which conducts the affairs
of men, more than the people of the United States.
Every step, by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation, seems to have been
distinguished by some token of providential agency. And, in the important revolution just accomplished in
the system of their united government, the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent of so many distinct
communities, from which the event has resulted, cannot be compared with the means by which most
governments have been established, without some return of pious gratitude along with a humble
anticipation of the future blessings which the past seems to presage. These reflections, arising out of the
present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You will join with me, I
trust, in thinking that there are none, under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free
government can more auspiciously commence.
By the article establishing the executive department, it is made the duty of the President "to recommend
to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient." The circumstances,
under which I now meet you, will acquit me from entering into that subject farther than to refer you to the
great constitutional charter under which we are assembled; and which, in defining your powers,
designates the objects to which your attention is to be given. It will be more consistent with those
circumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of a
recommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and the
patriotism, which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them. In these honorable
qualifications I behold the surest pledges, that as, on one side, no local prejudices or attachments, no
separate views or party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye, which ought to
watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests; so, on another, that the foundations of
our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality, and the
preeminence of a free government be exemplified by all the attributes, which can win the affections of its
citizens, and command the respect of the world. According to Washington, "the invisible hand which
conducts the affairs of men"

A) is that of the President
B) should be revered, especially by Americans
C) should be respected and adored by all peoples
D) is the constitution
E) should be, but isn't, that of Congress

5. In general, new breakthroughs in scientific and biological research allow us to identify origins of many
viruses of formerly ______ origins.

A) abstract
B) mysterious
C) escapable
D) memorable
E) useful

Fragen und Antworten: